In
early July, Gogebic Taconite hired armed security guards to patrol the site of
what the company hopes will be the first phase of an open–pit iron mine in the
Penokee Hills near Hurley , Wisconsin .
The
guards dressed in camouflage and toted assault rifles. State Senator Bob Jauch
(D–Poplar) and Representative Janet Bewley (D–Ashland) sent a letter to Gogebic
Taconite on July 8, demanding the removal of these "masked commando
security forces."
After
the state Department of Safety and Professional Services discovered the
security firm was operating in Wisconsin without a proper
license, new guards were hired who wear plain clothes and do not carry weapons.
Bulletproof Securities of Scottsdale, Arizona, is under investigation and could
be fined and barred from operating in Wisconsin for a year.
Gogebic
Taconite (pronounced "go–GIH–bick" and called "G–Tac") is
proposing a 22–mile series of pit mines, the first of which would be
four–and–a–half miles long and 1,000 feet deep. The waste rock would be stored
on 3,300 acres owned by Iron County .
The
plans have drawn concern from environmentalists and local Ojibwe tribes. Pyrite
(a sulfide mineral), heavy metals, and phosphate in the iron deposit could lead
to polluted runoff. The site is near the headwaters of the Bad River and several of its
tributaries.
The
river flows through the Bad River Reservation and empties into Lake Superior at the Bad–Kakagon
Sloughs, the largest wetlands bordering the lake and a major source of wild
rice for the Bad River Ojibwe. Wild rice is sensitive to sulfate pollution from
mining.
In
May, the Lac Court Orielles (LCO) Band of Ojibwe set up a "Harvest and
Education Camp" on the County forest land where mine waste would be
stored, next to the proposed mine site.
The
camp has hosted over 1,500 visitors, including tribal dignitaries, state
legislators, media, scientists, mine workers, protestors, and curious locals,
according to the camp’s host, Melvin Gasper.
Anyone
is welcome to visit and stay at the camp, regardless of their opinions about
the mine. "The Harvest Camp was set up for us to utilize our 1842 treaty
rights of harvesting and gathering…to show the people exactly what they’ve got
and what they’re going to lose" if the mine is built.
An
LCO tribal elder, Gasper got involved in the camp because he wants the
resources of the "last mountainous range in Wisconsin " to be passed on
to future generations.
The
mine lies within territory ceded by the Ojibwe in the 1842 Treaty of La Pointe,
in which the tribes retain the right to hunt, fish, and gather off–reservation.
Those rights were upheld by the federal courts in the 1980s after Lac Court
Orielles members began spearfishing without state licenses and then sued the
state over their arrests.
But
camping without a permit isn’t among those rights, says Iron County Forester
Joe Vairus.
On
May 14, the County’s Forestry Committee voted unanimously in favor of granting
a land use permit "for Lac Courte Oreilles members and their guests for
camping, harvesting, and educational purposes."
But
on July 23, the committee reversed itself, voting unanimously to recommend that
"the County Board authorize pursuit of criminal and civil action"
against the camp for failing to obtain a permit.
"I’ve
been told by the DNR [Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources] that the state
does not recognize camping as a treaty right," says Vairus. "I don’t
see it as a treaty rights issue at all…We’re just living within the laws and
regulations that we have."
Vairus
says the DNR told him the initial agreement would violate county
ordinances and possibly state law, by allowing camping beyond the 14–day limit
written into the County’s forest management plan.
He
also received letters expressing concern from the Wisconsin County Forestry
Association and State Senator Tom Tiffany (R–Hazelhurst), who has been an
outspoken supporter of the G–Tac mine.
The
county’s lawyer sent a letter to LCO’s then–Secretary/Treasurer Michael Isham
on May 29, outlining the application process for a large public gathering
permit, which requires more detailed information than a land use permit.
Vairus
says the County never heard back from the Tribe, but he spoke with Gasper in
person on July 12 and Gasper assured him the letter had been received and
Vairus would hear back from the Tribe shortly.
Gasper
says Vairus never spoke to him about the letter or the permit requirements.
The
miscommunication may have been due to a turnover in tribal government. Isham
was elected as LCO Chairman on June 15. The letter was sent in between the
Tribe’s primary and general elections.
"Our
approach has always been stepped enforcement," he says. A slow response by
the Tribe was understandable, given the circumstances, and the DNR sees no need
for intervention as long as the County is working with the Tribe to obtain a
permit.
On
July 30, the Iron County Board voted to table the Forestry Committee’s motion,
directing them to negotiate with LCO’s attorney. About 100 people attended the
meeting to oppose the camp’s eviction.
Aileen
Potter, who lives just west of Hurley in Montreal , was among those who
testified. She teared up while describing her transformative experiences at the
Harvest Camp. "I was told to duck as a child, as we drove through the Bad
River Reservation, so I wouldn’t get hit by bows and arrows, and I was
afraid…It took a lot of courage for me to make my first stop at the Harvest
Camp alone, but I did it…I’ve been back there many times since."
Potter
was concerned about wasting tax money on litigation. "We’re worried about
what a handful of the Native people on this land are doing to the environment
and the forest—people that are trying to save the water and the forest for all
of our future generations. You roll out the red carpet for others who are going
to blow it all up for money to line pockets. Your priorities are a little
messed up."
The
owners of O’Dovero Farm, five miles down the road from the Harvest Camp, say it
has changed a lot of local residents’ minds about the G–Tac project, describing
the camp as "a very eye–opening experience" and "by far the most
educational."
O’Dovero
Farm is concerned the mine will be deeper than their wells, destroying the
farm’s groundwater supply. Blasting could also cause asbestos–like air
pollution that would contaminate their cows’ milk.
"I
hear this ‘jobs, jobs, jobs’ this mine is going to create," says O’Dovero
co–owner Monica Vipek. "I want to know how many jobs this mine is going to
take away from the area." Lumber mills in Mellen could be jeopardized if
their water supply runs dry.
O’Dovero
Farm donates well water and meat they produce to the camp, as well as offering
access to phone and Internet for those staying there. They say the camp has become
a part of the local community.
Gasper
says the camp isn’t just about treaty rights, but promotes a sustainable
economy over extractive industry. He contends it has already contributed to the
local economy by bringing visitors to the area who spend money on gas and
groceries.
"You
have tourism. You have hunters, fishermen. You have gatherers. You have one of
the largest maple sugar bushes in all the country. There’s medicinal plants
that have become very high profile right now as far as treating cancer,
treating diabetes, treating other illnesses. There are so many things out here
to utilize that they could make money year after year and they would have jobs
for everybody."
When
visitors come to the camp, they are given a tour and invited to walk to the Tyler Forks River or relax and take in
their surroundings. "We just want people to feel as comfortable as they
can here. We have plenty of food. We have living arrangements for up to
probably 50 people."
The
Bad River Tribe is in the process of establishing a second camp on private land
nearby that will focus more on Native spirituality and ceremony.
"The
Harvest Camp is helping to facilitate a paradigm shift," says Bad River
Chairman Mike Wiggins, "into a thought process that sees this as a
valuable resource, as a foundation to build on."
But
not everyone is pleased. On July 4, the Iron County Sheriff was notified that
the camp’s tribal flags were stolen. Last week, a threatening sign was tacked
to a tree along the road next to the camp.
Gary
Glonek, a Forestry Department employee, has been criticized by mine opponents
for posting cartoons on social media that depict the camp as two talking
wigwams, prompting accusations of racism.
Vairus
says he hasn’t seen any evidence of employees engaging in political activity
while on the clock and he won’t try to control what they say on their own time.
He denies that politics played into the Forestry Committee’s attempt to evict
the camp.
However,
former Iron County District Attorney Tony Stella alleges that three members of
the Board–appointed Mining Impact Committee, which is responsible for
negotiations between local government and G–Tac, have ties to the company.
Committee
Chair Leslie Kolesar is a member of the Wisconsin Mining Association, which
promotes mining and has been featured in pro–mining videos. Ross Peterson,
another committee member, owns a construction company in Hurley and has
performed contract work at the G–Tac site. Committee member Mitch Koski is the
mayor of Montreal and has also done
contract work at the site.
Between
early June and late July, G–Tac conducted exploratory drilling at eight
locations along the forested ridge within the mine site. During drilling, the
Harvest Camp was used as a base by opponents for observing and documenting the
activity.
On
June 11, about 15 masked protestors surrounded workers and attempted to block
the drilling. Katie Kloth, a former UW–Stevens Point student body president,
was charged with three misdemeanors and felony theft for allegedly tussling
with the workers and throwing a cell phone and camera into the woods.
G–Tac
claims the protestors caused $2,400 worth of damage to mining equipment.
Company spokesperson Bob Seitz called the group’s actions
"eco–terrorism" and cited them as justification for the presence of
the Bulletproof guards. Governor Scott Walker issued a statement labeling the
protestors "extremists" and calling for their prosecution "to
the fullest extent of the law."
Kloth
defended the group’s actions in an online statement that reads, in part:
Those
who fight against the destruction of the water, land, plants, and human and
non–human animals of the Penokee Hills and Bad River Watershed are not
"terrorists." The only terrorists are those who plot to blow up the
hills with ammonium nitrate and use the power of the state’s policing apparatus
to repress and send fear and division through the communities that oppose them.
Other
mine opponents quickly distanced themselves, cooperating with law enforcement
and evicting from the Harvest Camp those who had engaged in such tactics. No
other incidents of vandalism or violence by mine opponents have been reported.
Exploratory
drilling ended in mid–July and G–Tac has now applied to perform bulk
sampling—small–scale surface mining to characterize the ore deposit.
The
company’s 119–page permit application, submitted July 28, states that they will
gather 4,000 tons of rock samples from four locations where previous sampling
took place. A public hearing on the permit is scheduled for August 15 in
Hurley.
A
previous 17–page bulk sampling application was submitted to the DNR on June 17. It called
for clearing vegetation and topsoil and blasting out 10,000 tons of rock from
five sites, but claimed "there are no known adverse environmental impacts
that are likely to be caused by the bulk sampling activity."
The
DNR responded on July 2 with a request for more
information, stating the company needs to apply for stormwater and possibly air
pollution permits. The letter highlights the potential presence of
asbestos–like fibers in the rock, which could pose a health hazard.
G–Tac’s
new application disputes the presence of these fibers, but says the company
will avoid blasting if they can retrieve enough loose rock leftover from the
previous bulk sampling, which took place in 1960. Commercial mining would start
at least a year after the completion of bulk sampling.
An
overhaul of the state law that governs iron mining was passed in March, after
two years of controversy and a failure by one vote in 2012. The new law
loosened environmental restrictions, reduced the number of public hearings, and
set forth a strict timeline for permit approval.
Republican
lawmakers who supported the bill refused to reveal who wrote it, but emails
released in July showed that the bill was crafted by Tom Pyper, a G–Tac
lobbyist, and Jason Culotta, a former policy advisor for Governor Walker who
now works for Wisconsin Manufacturers and Commerce, the state’s chamber of
commerce.
Just
before the new law passed, a statewide poll conducted by the Wisconsin League
of Conservation Voters found 29 percent of the public supported the bill and 62
percent opposed it.
Gasper
says the Harvest Camp is one step in building the momentum needed to carry out
what appears to be the will of the public. "We’ve been getting support
from neighbors and local people. We’ve been getting support from all over the
nation. Internationally, we’ve been getting support. So this has turned into a
great cause, stopping this mining."
> The article above was written by Carl Sack, and is reprinted
from the Aug. 6, 2013 edition of the Zenith City Weekly.
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