From the
time of Martin Luther King’s assassination in 1968, the many inconsistencies in
the government’s assertion that James Earl Ray was the sole assassin have been
well publicized.
In 1979,
after the FBI’s “Cointelpro” disruption operations were exposed, the House of
Representatives’ Select Committee on Assassinations, under pressure from these
exposures and the civil rights movement, convened an “investigation” with the
purpose of reconfirming the government’s version of the murder.
Immediately
after it released the report, affirming that Ray was the lone assassin, this
committee sealed all of the evidence it had in its possession for 50 years
(until 2029). Thus, we were left with nothing but the “integrity” of the
members of Congress to justify their conclusions rather than the facts.
More
recently, however, new facts on King’s assassination came to light.
On Dec.
8, 1999 , a
jury awarded Coretta Scott King and her family $100 in damages resulting from a
conspiracy to murder her late husband. The trial was initiated by the admission
of Lloyd Jowers on national TV in 1993 that he had hired King’s assassin as a
favor to an underworld figure who was a friend.
At the
conclusion of the trial, Dexter King, Dr. King’s son, said, “After today, we
don’t want questions like, ‘Do you believe James Earl Ray killed your father?’
I’ve been hearing that all my life. No, I don’t, and this is the end of it.
This was the most incredible cover-up of the century, and now it has been
exposed. Now we can finally move on with our lives.”
The King
family, along with their attorney, William Pepper, plan to lobby historians and
elected officials to get the official record of the assassination changed.
There have
always been many unanswered questions about King’s assassination. From the
beginning it was clear that the FBI was involved to one degree or another. The
FBI “leaked” the information to the Memphis , Tenn. , press that King was going to be
staying at a “white hotel” a couple of days prior to his arrival in the city.
This forced King to stay at the less secure Lorraine Motel.
The
question remains: Why would the government be part of the conspiracy against
King? Why would they want him dead?
A key to
understanding the government’s motive is that Martin Luther King had a
different political perspective at the time of his death than when he made his
1963 “I Have a Dream” speech. His final speeches and actions reveal that he,
like Malcolm X, had begun to view the struggle for equality as an economic
struggle and the capitalist economic system as the problem.
At a speech
given at Stanford University in April 1967-one year before his
death-titled the “The Other America,” King addressed the problem of the rich
and the poor in this country. Instead of his “dream,” he talked about the nightmare
of the economic conditions suffered by Blacks.
He alluded
to “work-starved men searching for jobs that did not exist,” about the Black
population living on a “lonely island of poverty surrounded by an ocean of
material prosperity,” and about living in a “triple ghetto of race, poverty,
and human misery.”
He
explained that after World War II, the unemployment rate of Blacks and whites
was equal and that in the years between then and 1967, Black unemployment had
become double the rate for whites. He also spoke about how Black workers made
half the wages of white workers.
From his
experience when he started his campaign for equality in Chicago and elsewhere in the North, King
concluded in this speech that to deal with this problem of the “Two Americas”
was “much more difficult than to get rid of legal segregation.” He pointed out
that the northern liberals, who had given moral and financial support to the
struggle against Jim Crow in the South, would not give such support to the
efforts to end economic segregation.
In this
speech King also opposed the war in Vietnam . He criticized the government for
spending hundreds of millions of dollars for war and not for equality. He
stated his goal “to organize and mobilize forces to fight for economic
equality.”
In his last
letter, requesting support for the “March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom” in 1968, he
wrote: “It is a cruel jest to say to a bootless man to pick himself up by his
own bootstraps.” “Black people”, he said, “were impoverished aliens in their
own land.”
A year
earlier, King described the course that he was planning to take in the fight
for economic equality: “It was obdurate government callousness to misery that
first stoked the flames of rage and frustration. With unemployment a scourge in
Negro ghettos, the government still tinkers with half-hearted measures, refuses
still to become an employer of last resort. It asks the business community to
solve the problems as though its past failures qualified it for success.
“We’ve got
to begin to ask questions about the whole society. We are called upon to help
the discouraged beggars in life’s marketplace. But one day we must come to see
that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring. It means that
questions must be raised. Who owns this oil? … Who owns the iron ore? … Why is
it that people have to pay water bills in a world that is two-thirds water?”
“There is
nothing but a lack of social vision to prevent us from paying an adequate wage
to every American citizen whether he be a hospital worker, laundry worker,
maid, or day laborer. “There is nothing except shortsightedness to prevent us
from guaranteeing an annual minimum-and livable-income for every American
family. There is nothing, except a tragic death wish, to prevent us from
reordering our priorities.
“The
coalition of an energized section of labor, Negroes, unemployed, and welfare
recipients may be the source of power that reshapes economic relationships and
ushers in a breakthrough to a new level of social reform.”
These words
have even more meaning in today’s world. At that time, the stock market was
below 1000 points. Today it is above 10,000 points, and yet living conditions
for millions of African Americans are still lower than after World War II.
At the time
of their assassinations, both Martin Luther King and Malcolm X were embarking
on a course in opposition to the capitalist system. It is clear from reading
and listening to their final speeches that they had both evolved to similar
conclusions of capitalism’s role in the maintenance of racism. That is why they
were “neutralized.”
Unlike
Malcolm X, who never got the opportunity to act upon his convictions, Martin
Luther King was organizing a movement to obtain his stated goals when he was
assassinated in Memphis . He was in Memphis to build “the coalition of an
energized section of labor, Negroes, unemployed, and welfare recipients” in
support of municipal garbage workers on strike.
If such a
force had been launched, the whole power of the antiwar and civil rights
movement in the 1960s could have transformed the labor movement and become “the
source of power that reshapes economic relationships and ushers in a
breakthrough to a new level of social reform.”
Such a
coalition, as King envisioned it 34 years ago, is needed today. The best
tribute to Martin Luther King and Malcolm X would be to begin anew to build a
movement based on the ideas and the concepts that they had developed before
their untimely deaths.
> The article above was written
by Roland Sheppard, and is reprinted from Socialist Action newspaper.
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