Beginning
Nov. 18 and for some six days, rebellion gripped Haiti. The Haitian
masses jammed the streets, shutting down schools, transportation
and businesses, some lighting bonfires of rubber tires at street
corners or torching symbols of authority and corruption. At least 11
were killed, mostly by police, and 34 were injured. One cop died
during the protests. A new force, likely paramilitary, was seen
wielding M-60 machine guns, a weapon that can fire armor piecing
bullets.
The
trigger for the protests was the rip-off of close to $3.8 billion in
Venezuelan aid given to Haiti in the form of a discounted gas program
known as PetroCaribe, as revealed in a study by the Haitian Senate.
Protesters
chanted, “Where did the PetroCaribe money go?” and “Moïse must
go!”—referring to Jovenel Moïse, Haiti’s corrupt, pro-U.S.
president. Thus far, the Moïse regime, which was elected with
only 600,000 votes amidst charges of fraud, has refused to step
down or investigate the theft of PetroCaribe funds. Moïse,
whose finances were already under investigation for money
laundering upon taking office, is suspected of being implicated in
the PetroCaribe scandal, along with his network of crooked friends
and business partners.
The
Organization of American States (OAS), as perpetual servants of U.S.
policy, issued a statement lashing out at protesters, while in solemn
tones calling for “dialogue.” For now, at least, dialogue is
rejected by the opposition. According to oppositionist Me André
Michel, “There is only one option. Jovenel Moïse is a political
corpse that must be brought to the cemetery. It’s over for him. We
cannot do anything with him anymore. He must leave without delay to
avoid chaos.”
Nov.
18 was the 215th anniversary of the Haitian slave victory
over French colonialism at the Battle of Vertieres, led by Haitian
revolutionary hero Jean-Jacques Dessalines. This year, out of fear of
being greeted by unruly protests, the president broke with the
tradition of going to Cap Haitian to observe the anniversary and went
instead to Port au Prince, the capital, for a low-profile observance.
The
disappeared PetroCaribe billions could have gone toward creating
desperately needed jobs to build schools, hospitals, and decent
housing for Haitians, who must live on an average of less than $3.15
a day in a country with an unemployment rate of about 40%.
In
a panic, Prime Minister Jean-Henry Céant announced creation of an
estimated 50,000 temporary jobs until the end of the year. For the
“opposition’s” part, Haitian Senator Evaliere Beauplan, a
member of the Democratic and Popular Sector, met with at least one
Trump representative on Nov. 21 to discuss the crisis—i.e., to
misdirect and deceive the Haitian masses. Beauplan was an author of
the Haitian Senate study on the PetroCaribe scandal.
More
than two centuries of U.S. imperialism have kept Haiti a neo-colony
that has nurtured its corrupt elite. Today, Haiti is occupied by
the UN Mission to Support Justice in Haiti (MINUJUSTH), about 1200
armed UN police officers who occupy key positions and advise or
dictate armed intervention. The U.S.-dominated UN is the final
authority in Haiti, not Haitians, and can deploy 10,000 troops at any
time.
The
protests were called by coalitions of opposition forces,
including some 50 political parties; among them were former
supporters of Jean-Bertrand Aristide. But none have called for an end
to U.S. occupation and domination.
Berthany
Dupont, editor of Haiti Liberté, a weekly, told Socialist
Action that while the paper supports the protest demands, it
strongly rejects what Dupont called the opposition’s
“bourgeois parties’” refusal to call for the U.S./UN to get out
of Haiti, without which, he said, “we’re going back to the same
thing.”
The
November mobilizations are the third mass outpouring since
last July 6-8, when the Haitian masses poured into the streets
to resist President Moise’s order to virtually double gas
prices at the behest of the International Monetary Fund (IMF),
the gangster-like enforcement arm of the U.S.-dominated World
Bank, in exchange for a $96 million loan to Haiti.” In July,
Haitians blocked roads, burned tires, discharged guns, and
wrecked some 80 stores, including torching three super-markets owned
by Reginald Boulos, president of the national chamber of commerce and
industry of Haiti. As many as 20 people were killed and over 50
arrested. Haitians have called the World Bank/IMF plans “the death
plan.”
On
Oct. 17, tens of thousands took to the streets across Haiti in
huge protests. Some observers say it was even bigger than Nov. 18. It
was a holiday for workers because it marks the day when revolutionary
leader Dessalines was killed in 1806. Of the 10 departments in the
country, only Nippes did not see large marches. At least eight were
killed Oct. 17 by Haitian cops.
Following
an Oct. 31 funeral for six of those killed Oct. 17, held in a church
in the Bel-Air slum in Port au Prince, a march was organized and grew
into a protest against the PetroCaribe corruption. During the march,
one man was shot dead and at least eight others were injured.
The
desperation and mobilization of the Haitian masses is at an acute
stage. The leadership of middle-class and ruling class forces will
offer no solution to the misery in Haiti. A complete transformation
of Haitian society is needed, that is, the elimination of imperialism
and capitalism. Hope lies with the forces seeking revolutionary
change.
>> The article above was printed by Marty Goodman, and is reprinted from Socialist Action.
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