In Belleville Park, a small, steep
public garden with panoramic views of the city, about 40 supporters
of the gilets
jaunes (Yellow Vest)
movement have gathered on a chilly January night for what’s billed
as a “neighborhood popular assembly.” It’s the third such
meet-up to discuss what residents of this historically working-class
quarter can do to support the wave of demonstrations.
It’s a wide-open question, much
like the future of the Yellow Vest revolt. Online anger over a
planned doubling of the fuel
tax, to about 25 cents a gallon, spilled
into the streets in November 2018. The movement took its
symbol from the clothing item required of French motorists since
2008. Rooted in rural areas and outer suburbs, the demonstrations
quickly spread, thanks in no small part to social media. They soon
came to represent deeper frustrations with the rising cost of living.
Far from anti-environmental, the movement simply called on the
wealthy to pick up the tab for France’s transition away from fossil
fuels.
After weeks of traffic blockades,
disruptive marches and occasionally violent clashes with the police,
in December 2018 the Yellow Vests won a series of concessions from
President Emmanuel Macron: the cancellation of
the fuel tax increase, the scrapping
of a separate tax hike on pensions passed the previous year,
and the expansion of a state subsidy for low-wage workers that could
amount to a monthly pay bump of roughly $115. Nevertheless, the
protests persist.
“I want to keep pissing off the
politicians,” Jean Robert, a 71-year-old retiree, tells the group
assembled in Belleville Park. “Whatever we can do to keep putting
pressure on them.”
The Yellow Vest movement is
remarkably grassroots, organized independently of political parties
and unions, and varying substantially by location. Protesters’
calls to tax the rich and to raise wages have earned support from the
French Left.
But the Yellow Vests have also won
sympathy from the country’s far right. The ever-calculating Marine
Le Pen of the newly renamed National Rally party (formerly the
National Front) has paid it lip service, and a small share of
demonstrators appear to share her warped diagnosis of French
society’s ills—calling, for instance, on France to exit the
United Nations’ Global Compact for Migration, which they see as a
Trojan horse for mass immigration from Africa and the Middle East.
All that seems far removed from
this meeting, though, whose participants are a snapshot of Belleville
itself, long inhabited by immigrants and their descendants,
especially from North Africa. Attendees are young and old, white and
brown, leading a freewheeling two-hour discussion reminiscent of
the Occupy movement. It’s both exciting and messy:
Someone suggests
blocking a major food and produce market; another says the movement
should focus on economic issues; someone else says residents should
focus on housing speculation and spray graffiti on the offices of
real estate agencies. Another speaker tells everyone how much fun he
had demonstrating in the city’s wealthy neighborhoods.
Yann Le Bihan, a 48-year-old school
administrator, takes the floor and mentions a modest decline in
public support. While a YouGov study from late November 2018 found 70
percent of the country backed the Yellow Vests, a more
recent version of the poll showed 62
percent approval.
“The most important thing you can
do is talk to your friends and acquaintances when you hear
misinformation about the Yellow Vests,” says Le Bihan. “But we
also need to work ourselves on our communication, on our talking
points.”
Not everyone agrees. “This is
much bigger than talking points or public relations,” Amparo, a
62-year-old schoolteacher who declines to give her last name, says to
applause. “We’re in the fight of our lives! … Opinion polls go
up and down, the stock market goes up and down, but so what? We’re
fighting for our lives.”
Revolutionary ambitions
notwithstanding, several pressing issues loom over the movement
today. First, there’s the question of the Citizens’ Referendum
Initiative, known as the RIC. The most prominent version of the
proposal would allow French citizens to introduce and authorize
legislation, to nullify laws, to revoke legislators and to amend the
constitution—all by referendum. Some Yellow Vests consider it the
movement’s single most important demand, though others seem more
suspicious. “It’s a super-revolutionary proposal,” bellowed one
enthusiastic activist at the Belleville meeting—though he was the
only one to mention it.
Then, there is the so-called great
national debate. Instead of taking up the RIC, the French government
has responded to the protests with a series of discussions—online
and in person—designed to address what it views as the country’s
deep seated political malaise. They focus on four key themes: taxes
and public spending, public services, the fossil-fuel transition and
“democracy and citizenship,” which includes immigration. Most
Yellow Vests view the entire endeavor as a sham, a desperate effort
from authorities to redirect popular frustrations into an
institutionalized dead end. Ultimately, the movement’s future could
hinge on its capacity to set forth a coherent alternative.
For its part, the group in
Belleville has committed to more immediate plans. By the end of the
meeting, they’ve set a gathering point for the weekend’s protest
in Paris. And they’ve vowed to find a better location to keep
holding their “popular assemblies” over the winter—preferably
indoors.
>> The article above was written by Cole Strangler, and is reprinted from In These Times.
1 comment:
Every left wing niche group under the sun is grasping at straws to try and claim the movement as their own.
One problem though - too many right wingers are there for any of them to legitimately do so! That's the real news bitches!
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