The
New York Times reported
on Oct. 21 that the Trump administration is “considering narrowly
defining gender as a biological, immutable condition determined by
genitalia at birth, the most drastic move yet in a government effort
to roll back recognition and protections of transgender people under
federal civil rights law.” This announcement is one in a long line
of attempts to take away trans, non-binary, and intersex people’s
democratic rights.
The
Trump administration has already sought to ban transgender
individuals from the military, the country’s largest employer and
often the sole option for the poorest workers. It has also rescinded
the Obama-era guidelines on transgender access to school restrooms
and homeless shelters, and has imposed new policies for the Bureau of
Prisons to make “biological sex” the initial determinant in
placement in prisons.
The
administration has removed mention of “gender” from the
Department of Health and Human Services guidelines on sex
discrimination, signaling that it would be disinclined to take or
investigate complaints against insurance companies, providers, or
other federal health programs. It has also lobbied the UN to remove
“gender” from human rights documentation.
Imposing
rigid definitions of people’s gender is a worldwide phenomenon
affecting trans, non-binary, and intersex people across the globe. In
the UK the current Gender Recognition Act (GRA) forces trans people
to go through a difficult process that makes their gender a question
of medical inquiry. Similar rules pathologize being transgender in
the U.S., and the Social Security Administration requires
documentation from a doctor to change a person’s gender marker. It
is dehumanizing to have to get permission from the government to be
who you are.
Proposed
changes to the GRA would drop the requirement of legal gender change
being decided by a state-appointed case-board and instead implement a
system of self-identification. Debate around the GRA has opened a
pandora’s box of attacks on trans people, especially trans women,
within the feminist movement.
The
repercussions of a new and more rigid official government definition
of gender could be far-ranging. It could lead to even more intense
struggles over access to bathrooms, appropriate health care, and
legal protections at work. Furthermore, the administration’s
sanctioning of anti-transgender bigotry will lead to a wider
acceptance of discrimination and abuse far beyond the reading of the
law.
Unsurprisingly,
the members of the working class who do not fit neatly into ideal and
abstract gender categories face a great deal of difficulties.
Workplace discrimination based on gender identity or sexual
orientation is not explicitly prohibited in U.S. federal law or in
most states, and trans people report their facing discrimination in
massive numbers.
Transgender people are more likely to face
employment discrimination, poverty, housing discrimination,
homelessness, and police violence, and are disproportionately victims
of homicide—especially trans women of color. And trans people are,
rather astonishingly, 25 times more likely to have attempted suicide.
So-called
science
The
definition proposed by the Trump administration is arbitrary and
unscientific, but reflects an ideologically constructed notion of
strict categories in nature that reactionaries uphold. The notion of
the gender binary, and the enforcement of gender roles, has been a
feature of capitalist development. Though many people are born with
sex characteristics that do not fit into rigid categories, the
practice of surgically modifying intersex children at birth has been
used to force the false notion of binary gender upon human bodies.
The idea that biological sex is an immutable category based upon
genitals totally erases this practice of non-consensual modifications
of bodies, as well as the very real experience of people who develop
intersex characteristics during puberty.
A
popular “common sense” notion is that genetics are rigidly
sex-specific. Men and women are said to only have XY and XX
chromosomes respectively. Over the last couple of years the
renowned journal Nature has
published many articles that put to bed the idea that human bodies
exist as either purely male or female at any level.
Not
only do people come in all different shapes, sizes, and anatomical
make-ups but so do their genes! A person who was assigned female at
birth, identifies as a woman, and easily is seen as one may have XY
chromosomes in her bladder, or even internal testes. Yet the Trump
administration’s new definition would, ridiculously, require
genetic testing as the ultimate determiner in disputes!
Political
economy of trans identity
What
is the basis for trans discrimination? Is it based on the ill will of
individuals, or does it have a deeper relationship to capitalism’s
profit making core?
The
enforcement, and reproduction, of gender roles is quite useful to the
profit-system. The abstractions of “man” and “woman” are
helpful in establishing the subordinate role of one to the other,
just as white supremacist racism is useful in establishing the
subordinate role of a group of workers of color.
Capitalism
relies upon “surplus” populations: a portion of the workers who
are unemployed or precariously employed. The exploitation of the
working class demands a section of the class that cannot find paid
work easily, and can be moved in and out of employment quickly. Thus
the threat of replacement workers helps to keep the cost of employed
workers’ wages down, and the presence of a reserve army of labor
helps to facilitate the many overturns of workers into and out of
employment demanded by a system constantly revolutionizing the means
of production. In the U.S., the temporary demand for workers of color
and for women workers in World War II stands as a prime example.
Trans
people are forced into this reserve army of labor disproportionately
and almost as a matter of definition. From discrimination in housing
and on the job, frequent loss of family support, and struggles over
safe, adequate, and gender-appropriate health care, trans people are
forced to endure struggles that render stability nearly impossible.
Long-term poverty and joblessness are extremely likely.
Attacks
on the reserve army of labor, regardless of gender or sexual
orientation, are attacks on the working class as a whole. They
include austerity measures like cutting welfare and social spending.
Taking rights and services from trans, non-binary, and intersex
people reduces the welfare of all working people, and increases the
power and prosperity of the bosses and their class.
There
is much to be said about the consumptive behaviors demanded by gender
roles. Prime examples are the “pink tax,” in which products
marketed to women (razors, deodorants, etc.) are more expensive,
enforced by social pressure to buy arbitrarily gendered commodities.
This is an aspect of capitalism that is, ultimately, secondary to
women’s and trans oppression as a whole, and is in the last
analysis a product of competition between capitalists. Still, the
fact of separate markets for men and women re-enforces social
segregation based in the home and the workplace.
Women,
trans and cis, are burdened not only with smaller salaries and more
precarious labor, but also larger expenses, e.g., make-up,
artificially high commodity prices for gender specific products, and
for trans women special products to make “passing” as female
easier.
The
gender roles that the family demands continue to reemerge with every
crisis and every new austerity measure that pushes the costs of
social reproduction onto the backs of workers themselves. The
caricatures of “deadbeat dads” and “welfare queens” are
invoked to reinforce the notion that the ruling class has no
responsibility to provide care to the people whom it exploits for all
its wealth. Similar is the image of the trans woman who is “really”
a man who wants free things from the government. There was much
rhetoric around this when Trump originally proposed cutting funding
for trans specific health care in the military.
Democrats:
Road to nowhere for trans rights
In
2006-2007, the Democrats faced a crisis of legitimacy. They had
campaigned hard as the “sane” and “progressive” response to
the “embarrassing” George W. Bush administration. After co-opting
social movements through the threat of what another term with a
Republican majority would mean and the promise of a Blue Wave, the
Democrats won a majority in the House and the Senate. Even with this
majority and literally decades of promising to pass the Employment
Non-Discrimination Act, which would make discrimination on sexual
orientation and gender identity illegal, the Democrats never were
seriously going to fight for LGBTQIA rights. Instead, the Obama
administration merely offered new trans-friendly guidelines for
federal agencies that were just as easily revoked as they were
introduced.
The
liberal wing of capitalism and their party, the Democrats offer
policies that are a dead-end for all but the most wealthy or upwardly
mobile queer people (an exceedingly small minority within a
minority). The Democrats, who are openly a party of landlords and
real estate agents, will never give trans people the right to cheap
or free quality public housing. One of the main issues plaguing the
community will therefore go unaddressed and reproduce housing
discrimination and homelessness that keep trans people as the most
vulnerable human material to be ground through the teeth of capital.
Material
issues plaguing those groups who are considered “surplus
populations”—free gender appropriate health care, employment
benefits like a shorter workweek and more time off, funding for
education, accessible housing, etc.—are forever on the chopping
block through the austerity politics of both ruling parties. Only the
construction of independent mass movements and of an independent mass
party of workers can address the fundamental issues faced by queer
people.
Trans
people are a small but substantial section of the working class, and
their interests intersect with many other hyper-exploited groups.
Fights over bathroom access and ease of changing gender markers are
crucial. They are in line along with fights over rights to
appropriate health care, housing, employment, and for protections
from police as material issues that would threaten the security of
capitalist profits, and are therefore off the table for the
Democratic Party.
Building
the struggle
We
have no faith in the twin parties of capitalism to support the
liberation of transgender people. Instead, we see trans liberation as
an inseparable and fundamental part of class struggle. It is
necessary to build mass mobilizations in the street to fight for, and
win, demands for trans rights. And that will entail forging bonds of
solidarity with other sections of the working class, building united
fronts capable of challenging the political domination of capital.
Capitalism
is a system of social relations, not personalities. We do not seek to
appeal to the moral hearts of the ruling class; we seek to overthrow
the class system itself. Revolution is the only way to eliminate the
existing systems of domination, like patriarchy and cis-sexism, and
to prevent their re-emergence. In place of a society directed toward
profit-making for the few, we want to create a system consciously
organized for the fulfillment of human needs and desires, predicated
on bonds of solidarity.
The
movement for women’s liberation, trans and cis, is growing. During
and after the hearings for Kavanaugh’s appointment to the Supreme
Court, there were demonstrations in hundreds of cities that included
hundreds of thousands of people. In New York City, Grand Central
Station was occupied by thousands in a sit-in organized by a
coalition of socialist and feminist groups. Following these most
recent maneuvers by the Trump administration, dozens of unions have
reaffirmed their commitment to protecting the rights of trans workers
in and out of their bargaining units. In Argentina, factory workers
have gone on strike against discrimination towards their trans
co-workers.
Fighting
for trans liberation means fighting for the rights and power of
working people. The struggle is over who decides the priorities and
social provisioning in our societies. Socialists must participate in
the existing mass mobilizations for women’s rights, trans rights,
and the rights of all oppressed groups and work to bring them
together on a class-struggle basis. In our unions the role of a
revolutionary is to be the tribune of the people, to take that basic
organization of class power and use it as an apparatus to fight for
democratic and political rights in all spheres. This is the way
forward towards working class power and social revolution.
>> The article above was written by Autumn Rain & Erwin Freed, and is reprinted from Socialist Action.
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