Late on Sunday, Aug. 4, with hardly
a notice, India moved tens of thousands of troops into what is
already the most militarized region on the planet. In
Indian-administered Kashmir, politicians, especially opposition
leaders (but even some loyal to India), were placed under house
arrest. Internet and landline service have been cut. Free assembly
has been banned. Many non-Kashmirs and tourists were advised to
flee. Many with family members in Kashmir are still left
wondering about the safety of loved ones.
All of this comes as New Delhi has
rushed through a presidential decree to revoke Article 370, the part
of the constitution that gives Indian-administered Kashmir special
status. Also, the Indian parliament pushed through the “Jammu and
Kashmir Reorganization Bill,” which seeks to bifurcate the area
into Jammu and Kashmir, and Ladakh (which will be ruled over directly
by the Indian government via a Lieutenant Governor).
In an earlier Socialist
Action article,
entitled “Modi’s reelection in India: More Attacks on Workers and
Ethnic Minorities,” I mentioned that the reelection of right-wing
Indian Prime Minister Nahrendera Modi (leader of the Hindu
Nationalist BJP and member of the semi-facist RSS) in late June was,
among many other things, likely to continue and worsen racist
policies against ethnic minorities. It was argued that one of the
results of this would play out on a macro scale in the geopolitical
issues regarding Kashmir.
Modi and the BJP have maintained
very reactionary views toward majority Muslim Kashmir and have
exploited any developments in Kashmir for their own interests. A good
example of this was the Pulwama attack earlier this year, which
resulted in the Indian airforce’s launching an airstrike in
Pakistani territory. On the morning of Aug. 5, it became clear that
these predictions about India’s growing belligerence toward Kashmir
were coming true quicker than imagined.
This is a concerted and well
thought-out attempt by the right-wing BJP and its sympathizers. They
want to eliminate article 370 of the constitution—to jettison the
autonomous status of Kashmir and the power of the regional
government. They also want to do away with Article 35A, which permits
the local legislature in Indian-administered Kashmir to define its
permanent residents and control property rights.
The election manifesto of Modi
specifically states: “We are committed to overcome all obstacles
that come in the way of development and provide adequate financial
resources to all the regions of the state [of Kashmir]. We
reiterate our position since the time of the JanSangh to the
abrogation of Article 370.”
Victoria Schofield, author of
“Kashmir in Conflict,” explained to Al Jazeera recently that
there has been a gradual erosion of article 370 for years. However,
the disposal of article 35A, in particular, sets a legal
justification for a situation in which Kashmir can be taken
over by Hindu settlers and Indian corporations. Kashmiris
would have little to no ability to fight this, as they are completely
stripped of political clout. This would actually change the
demographics of Kashmir. She says, “If article 35A goes,
you’ve got any number of people from the rest of India feeling that
they can come up and buy property in Jammu and Kashmir.”
Indeed, this seems to be a
longer-term vision of the BJP itself. The election manifesto of Modi
stated: “We are committed to annulling Article 35A of the
constitution of India as the provision is discriminatory against
non-permanent residents and women of Jammu and Kashmir.”
It continued, “We will make an
effort to ensure the safe return of Kashmiri Pandits and we will
provide financial assistance for the resettlement of refugees from
West Pakistan, Pakistan Occupied Jammu and Kashmir (POJK) and
Chhamb.”
Clearly, the BJP is invested in a
project to allow Hindus (and perhaps friendly corporations) to have
priority to move to Kashmir and buy up land. From Modi’s
perspective it is Hindu Kashmiris (Pandits), who might have left
Kashmir since independence or during violence in the region over the
decades, that are the oppressed people in this situation—not the
predominantly Muslim Kashmiris who have been living under occupation
even before independence and have been consistently denied the right
to voice their political will.
During Indian independence and
partition, each province or princely state had a referendum on
whether they would join India or Pakistan. In the heavily Muslim area
of Kashmir this basic method of measuring the popular will was
denied. Instead, the leaders of Indian independence—Jawaharlal
Nehru and Mohatma Ghandi—left the decision up to the British-backed
Hindu leadership. Nehru himself came from an old Kashmiri Hindu
Brahmin family. Ghandi—supposedly nonviolent—gave full support to
Indian military forces to shoot and kill Kashmiris if they did not
obey.
Following independence, heightened
tensions resulted in the Indo-Pakistani war of 1947, which was
supposed to end in a referendum regarding whether Kashmir should join
India or Pakistan. This referendum never happened. The area
split and remains contested to this day. Indeed, Kashmiris have never
had the semblance of a formal political opportunity to express
political self-determination. Meanwhile, occupied Kashmir is the most
militarized region in the world and occupying forces regularly commit
acts of brutality. It should be noted that Kashmir is an important
source of natural resources, particularly water.
Pakistan responded to India’s
actions immediately. Imran Kahn announced that he will lobby for
Kashmir at the United Nations and called for the international
community to support him. Referring to nuclear war, Kahn said, “We
appeal to the world. If the world does not do anything now, it
will have serious consequences.” As this article is being written,
Pakistan has announced that it will “downgrade” diplomatic
relations and suspend trade with India.
Pakistan’s ability to mediate
this crisis must be rejected. Nor should any faith be placed in the
ruling classes of the world to solve the life or death situation
faced by Kashmiris. Such an action would be in violation of the right
of Kashmiris to determine their own future. Also noteworthy is the
problematic way in which Pakistan has administered the part of the
region it controls.
The historic position of the United
States has been to ignore discussing the issue, ostensibly in order
to maintain good diplomatic relations for business and arms sales
especially to occupying forces. The U.S. has funded the Indian
military’s occupation of Kashmir (along with Russia and Israel),
and U.S. military aid has even been correlated with spikes of
violence against Kashmiri civilians. In spite of this, Trump recently
offered for the U.S. to be a mediating force for peace.
In the hours after these
developments, protests across both Pakistan and India occurred
spontaneously. Throughout India, protests organized by individual
units of the Students Federation of India (SFI) were held. One of the
first protests was held by Students For Society (SFS) in University
of Panjab. The left parties of India—specifically the CPI-(M) and
CPI-(ML)—held marches across the nation. Likewise, student groups
and religious groups held protests in Pakistan. One of the largest
was in Lahore. In Pakistan-administered Kashmir, the Kashmir National
Students Federation held a variety of actions.
As this article is going to press,
hundreds are marching and demonstrating in New Delhi, India’s
capital. The main march was endorsed by CPI-(M), CPI-(ML),
Revolutionary Socialist Party, and All India Forward Bloc. The
demands are for a defense of democratic rights of Kashmiris, defense
of article 370, and an end to destruction of Kashmir.
While many groups are calling for
the defense of article 370 and 35A of the constitution, groups like
The Struggle in Pakistan are unique in their call: “all forces must
quit Kashmir!” They demand that both countries’ armed forces
leave Kashmir and that they allow for a free and fair process of
self-determination. In India, the Trotskyist group Radical
Socialist, a sympathizing organization of the Fourth International,
has made very similar demands and has specifically pointed out that
the “scrapping of 35A was necessary to begin the process of
changing the demography of J&K, including the valley, so as to
eventually render Muslims living there a minority.”
Socialists should not merely be
protesting what the Indian government is doing to article 370 and
35A. Kashmir has been denied self-determination and is an occupied
territory. It is caught between two major regional powers with
relatively large militaries.
During a moving speech, a Kashmiri
student at University of Hyderabad gave personal testimony explaining
the agony of the current crisis, describing the uncertainty of the
status of his family in Indian-occupied Kashmir during the past 72
hours. He challenged his audience to think beyond the current crisis
and to recognize the absurdity of Kashmir’s occupied status
overall. “Let me remind each and every one here that there is no
370 in Uttar Pradesh. There is no 370 in Bihar. There is no 370 here
[in Telangana],” he said.
Self-determination for the people
of Kashmir! All occupying forces out of Kashmir! No U.S.
intervention!
>> The article above was written by Ruwan Munasinghe, and is reprinted from Socialist Action.
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